MORRISON INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY
H I T S AN D M I S S E S : FAST GROWTH IN METROPOLITAN PHOENIX
MORRISON INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY SEPTEMBER YEAR TWO THOUSAND 1
This document is copyrighted ©2000 by the Arizona Board of Regents for and on behalf of Arizona State University
and its Morrison Institute for Public Policy.
FUNDERS: 
APS
Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Arizona
City of Chandler
City of Glendale
City of Mesa
City of Peoria
City of Phoenix
City of Scottsdale
City of Tempe
East Valley Partnership
Greater Phoenix Chamber of Commerce
Greater Phoenix Economic Council
Greater Phoenix Leadership
Maricopa County
Motorola, Inc.
Salt River Project
StarDust Foundation
Scottsdale Chamber of Commerce/ Scottsdale Partnership
WESTMARC
 
ADVISORS
Julie Alvarado, Motorola
John Benton, Benton-Robb Development
Steven Betts, Gallagher & Kennedy
Jerry Bisgrove, StarDust Companies
Richard Bowers, City of Scottsdale
Gary Brown, City of Tempe
Wayne Brown, Mayor, City of Mesa
Jay Butler, College of Business, Arizona State University
Sam Campana, Mayor, City of Scottsdale
Frank Fairbanks, City of Phoenix
Joanie Flatt, East Valley Partnership
Ed Fox, APS
Grady Gammage, Jr., Gammage & Burnham
Neil Giuliano, Mayor, City of Tempe
Terry Goddard, U. S. Department of Housing & Urban Development
Andrew Gordon, Coppersmith & Gordon, PLC
Phil Gordon, City Council Member, City of Phoenix
Lloyd Harrell, City of Chandler
Timothy Hogan, Center for Business Research, Arizona State University
John Keegan, Mayor, City of Peoria
Michael Kelly, City of Phoenix
Paul Koehler, Peoria Unified School District
Diane McCarthy, WESTMARC
Sharon Megdal, MegEcon Consulting
Chris Mulholland, Scottsdale Chamber of Commerce
Margaret Mullen, Urban Realty Partners
John Ogden, SunCor Development Company
Kevin Olson, Steptoe & Johnson
A. J. Pfister, School of Public Affairs, Arizona State University
Charles Redman, Center for Environmental Studies, Arizona State University
Skip Rimsza, Mayor, City of Phoenix
Mark Schnepf, Mayor, Town of Queen Creek
Elaine Scruggs, Mayor, City of Glendale
Tom Simplot, BRS Group
Frederick Steiner, School of Planning and Landscape Architecture, Arizona State University
Martin Vanacour, City of Glendale
Rick Weddle, Greater Phoenix Economic Council
Mike Welborn, Bank One Arizona
Keven Ann Willey, The Arizona Republic
 
REVIEW CADRE
Richard Bowers, City Manager, City of Scottsdale
R. Thomas Browning, Executive Director, Greater Phoenix Leadership
Robert Bulla, President, Executive Division, Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Arizona
John DeGrove, Director, Joint Center for Environmental & Urban Problems, Florida Atlantic University
Frank Fairbanks, City Manager, City of Phoenix
Ed Fox, Vice President, Environmental, Health, Safety & New Technology Ventures, APS
Grady Gammage, Jr., Attorney, Gammage & Burnham
Terry Goddard, State Coordinator, U. S. Department of Housing & Urban Development
John Hall, Professor, School of Public Affairs, Arizona State University
Lloyd Harrell, City Manager, City of Chandler
Edward W. Hill, Professor, Maxine Goodman Levin College of Urban Affairs, Cleveland State University
Linda Hollis, Senior Research Associate, Solimar Research Group
Jim Holway, Assistant Director, Arizona Department of Water Resources
Bruce Katz, Director and Senior Fellow, Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy, The Brookings Institution
Robert Lang, Director, Urban and Metropolitan Research, The Fannie Mae Foundation
Diane McCarthy, President, WESTMARC
Frank Mizner, Planning Director, City of Mesa
Rolf Pendall, Assistant Professor, City and Regional Planning, Cornell University
A. J. Pfister, Distinguished Research Fellow, Arizona State University
Luther Propst, Executive Director, Sonoran Institute
Charles Redman, Director, Center for Environmental Studies, Arizona State University
Judy Richardson, First Vice President, School Finance Consulting Services,
Peacock, Hislop, Staley & Given, Inc.
Ethan Seltzer, Director, Institute of Portland Metropolitan Studies, Portland State University
Frederick Steiner, Director, School of Planning: Landscape Architecture, Arizona State University
Martin Vanacour, City Manager, City of Glendale
Rick Weddle, President, Greater Phoenix Economic Council
 
 
Acknowledgments Many people and organizations contributed to the preparation of this report.
The work of scores of people and the support provided by public-and private-sector organizations are acknowledged gratefully. Nevertheless, the views expressed here remain solely those of Morrison Institute for Public Policy. Any errors of fact or interpretation are the responsibility of Morrison Institute. The Institute specifically thanks the following people and organizations.
 
Morrison Institute for Public Policy
School of Public Affairs | College of Public Programs | Arizona State University
P. O. Box 874405, Tempe Arizona 85287-4405 Voice (480) 965-4525 Fax (480) 965-9219 http://www.asu.edu/copp/morrison
 
 
Mary Jo Waits, Associate Director - Morrison Institute for Public Policy
Rebecca L. Gau, Senior Research Analyst - Morrison Institute for Public Policy
Mark Muro, Senior Research Analyst - Morrison Institute for Public Policy
Tina Valdecanas, Senior Research Analyst - Morrison Institute for Public Policy
Tom R. Rex Research Manager, Center for Business Research - Arizona State University
Leonard G. Bower, Economist
Elizabeth Burns Professor, Department of Geography - Arizona State University
Lisa DeLorenzo Assistant Professor, School of Public Affairs - Arizona State University
William Fulton, President - Solimar Research Group
Patricia Gober, Professor, Department of Geography - Arizona State University
John Hall Professor, School of Public Affairs - Arizona State University
Alicia Harrison, Research Associate - Solimar Research Group
Kent Hill, Assistant Research Professional, Department of Economics - Arizona State University
Glen Krutz, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science - Arizona State University
Scott Smith, Support Systems Analyst - Information Technology Research Support Lab GIS Services, Arizona State University
Jamie Goodwin-White, Graduate Assistant - Morrison Institute for Public Policy
Christina Kinnear, Graduate Assistant - Morrison Institute for Public Policy
Laura Valenzuela, Graduate Assistant - Morrison Institute for Public Policy
 
 
SEPTEMBER 2000
 
 
Research Team:
With Assistance From:
Rob Melnick, Morrison Institute for Public Policy
Karen Heard, Chalk Design
Nancy Welch, The Insight Group
Cherylene Schick, Morrison Institute for Public Policy
 
 
H I T S AN D M I S S E S : FAST GROWTH IN METROPOLITAN PHOENIX
 
Hits and Misses: Fast Growth in Metropolitan Phoenix is the first product
of a comprehensive effort to describe and analyze the region's growth. The
Brookings Institution Center on Urban and Metropolitan Policy in
Washington, D. C. presented the opportunity for this project to Morrison
Institute for Public Policy.
The Brookings Institution has been engaging leading local scholars to
study the role of government policies in growth and development patterns
in various metropolitan areas in recent years. As part of this urban agenda,
the Brookings Center invited Morrison Institute to prepare a case study of
the Phoenix region to supplement reports on the other five cities already
involved in the national research. Soon thereafter, Morrison Institute invit-ed
a number of metropolitan Phoenix cities, businesses and civic alliances
to provide financial support for this new investigation. The supporting
organizations were eager to obtain fresh, quality information about growth
in the area at a time of increasing anxiety about the topic. They also saw the
benefit of showcasing metropolitan Phoenix' sometimes surprising story
within Brookings' larger set of case studies.
The formal Phoenix case study will appear next year as a chapter in a
Brookings Institution book with national distribution. However, the pressing
public debate about growth issues in metropolitan Phoenix obliged Morrison Institute
to make its findings available locally now. This detailed
document offers significant data and discussion not included in the formal
Brookings case study. It also features a finer-grained local focus for local
audiences. Morrison Institute hopes the analyses and recommendations will
foster a better understanding of the dynamics at work in this region and
support wise decisions in the future.
Some readers will wonder why Hits and Misses does not take a specific
stand on the growth management measures on the November 2000 ballot.
The two measures represent a key moment in both Phoenix' and the state's
growth history, so this report's silence on the proposals may seem peculiar.
However, in keeping with this study's purpose to identify the causes of
growth patterns, the Morrison Institute team chose to pass over discussion
of particular ballot items in favor of offering fresh data and new options for
thinking about the challenges and opportunities of rapid growth. Such an
approach sacrifices topicality in favor of a potentially longer-lasting effect
on the region's future.
The story of growth in metropolitan Phoenix is a complicated, often
surprising, tale. There is much to be proud of in the region. Yet there is also
much to worry about, and much that needs to be done. Hits and Misses will
have been successful if it becomes a catalyst for getting started.
 
 
A NOTE ABOUT DATA Any study of this kind depends on accumulating a
comprehensive and up-to-date body of research that can inform regional policy making.
Fortunately, many cities in the region as well as the Maricopa Association of Governments (MAG),
the Central Arizona-Phoenix Long-Term Ecological Research Project at Arizona State University,
the state of Arizona and the federal government maintain large bodies of useful data on the region's
job market, population, land-use and transportation trends. However, assembling a comprehensive
statistical picture of the region remains problematic. Differences in collection efforts among
metropolitan Phoenix cities and agencies make the assembly of consistent, city-by-city
databases difficult. Hard figures do not exist for numerous topics. Or, relevant numbers date
back a number of years. The U. S. Bureau of the Census most detailed statistics covering small
geographic divisions, for example, date to either the 1990 census or the MAG 1995 special census,
precluding more up-to-date accountings. Clearly this lack of timely data creates
difficulties when speaking of a fast-changing region such as metropolitan Phoenix.
Nevertheless, Morrison Institute remains confident the trends it highlights here hold for the region.
 
 
 
1 MORRISON INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY
Table of Contents
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .2
INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .5
THE SHAPE OF FAST GROWTH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .7
Population is Booming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Metropolitan Phoenix is Becoming Denser . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10
Employment Remains Concentrated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Road Building is Accelerating . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
The Fringe is Exploding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16
The Phoenix Region is Using a Lot of Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .18
The City of Phoenix' Resources are Balanced Compared to Its Largest Suburbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
The Region is Becoming More Diverse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Schools are Divided . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .24
Aggressive Annexation is a Metropolitan Phoenix Tradition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .26
WHAT'S BEHIND THE TRENDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Timing and National Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29
Coming of Age in the Auto Era . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
The Advent of Air Conditioning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29
Local Circumstances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Topography and Climate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
The Real Estate Crash . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29
Government Land Ownership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Policies and Effects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .29
Water, Land and Transportation Choices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .30
Securing Water . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Holding onto Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Delaying the Freeways . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .32
What this Means . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Growth Management Efforts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .33
Paying for Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .34
Keeping the Center Vital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Protecting Open Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
What this Means . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Governance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .37
Western Values . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Strong Cities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .37
Weak Regional Entities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .37
Polarized Civic Agendas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .37
Spotty State Leadership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
What this Means . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
 
 
WHAT TO DO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .40
Understand the Full Range of Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .40
Overcome Near Catch-22's . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .40
Be Alert to Upcoming Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .42
 
 
THE FUTURE AT A GLANCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43
Notes and Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .44
Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
 
HITS AND MISSES: Fast Growth in Metropolitan Phoenix
Phoenix is often viewed as the quintessential Sunbelt metropolis: young,
fast-growing, auto-centered, and sprawling. While some facets of the stereo-type
are accurate, the complete picture of metropolitan Phoenix is more
complex. In some notable ways, metropolitan Phoenix' story is one of success.
For example, compared to other urban regions, the Phoenix metropolitan
area is fairly compact with relative equity between its core city and its suburbs.
Prospectively, however, the challenges are great. The desert landscape is
changing and some educational and economic divides are obvious, plus the
mechanisms available to cope with problems may be insufficient to handle
many rapidly-evolving situations.
Hits and Misses is based on a wide-ranging set of projects undertaken
by scholars at Morrison Institute for Public Policy (School of Public Affairs,
Arizona State University) during the past year. Overall, this research provides
an updated and expanded view of regional growth and development trends
and the pressures that will challenge the region's residents and policy makers
in the future.
This has been a complicated inquiry, given the tangle of events, trends
and circumstances that affect and shape any region. Still, two things stand
out about metropolitan Phoenix' growth experience.
 
 
1) Metropolitan Phoenix has grown differently from other urban regions
and in ways that defy conventional wisdom.
 
 
° Density is increasing. Given residents' dependence on cars, most
people would not expect the Phoenix region to be showing increases
in population density from its core to its edges. But it is Ð making
it one of only a handful of large areas in the country to do so.
Population grew 263 percent between 1960 and 1990, while the
urbanized area expanded 199 percent during the same period. By
contrast, metropolitan Chicago gained 4 percent in population while
urban land area increased 47 percent. Metropolitan Atlanta consumed
nearly twice as much land as metropolitan Phoenix to accommodate
approximately the same number of people.
 
 
° The region's center is holding. Employment remains concentrated in
the metropolitan Phoenix core, unlike in many other urban regions. Jobs
in the area's center account for 32 percent of the region's employment.
In addition, both population and employment rose in the heart of the
metropolitan area in the 1990s, although the rate of expansion was less
robust than in other parts of the region. Still, these healthy signs belie the
"hollowing out" that has plagued many other regions.
 
 
° The region's core city and its major suburbs are quite balanced. In
keeping with the vitality of its center, metropolitan Phoenix is also
fortunate to retain a measure of balance among its major cities. The
absence of glaring disparities between the center and the next largest
cities Ð at least in terms of housing values, jobs and retail activity Ð
stands in contrast to other metropolitan areas and bodes well for the
future of the core and the entire region.
 
 
° People and businesses keep coming. To stay the same in today's
world usually means going backward. Metropolitan Phoenix still is
 
 
experiencing phenomenal growth with nearly 700,000 new residents
(31 percent more) and approximately 500,000 more jobs in just less
than 10 years. Between 1997-1998 alone, approximately 1,300 new
business establishments were counted in metropolitan Phoenix. The
region now ranks 13th in high-tech jobs.
 
 
2) Metropolitan Phoenix faces extraordinary challenges because of local
circumstances and the effects of past public policy decisions.
 
 
° Residential development is moving outward very swiftly. Overall
in the last five years, the urban edge has advanced nearly one-half mile
per year. In the southeast, the fringe pushed out an average of three-fourths
of a mile each year. The region's heaviest home building is
now occurring in a ring some 18 to 21 miles from downtown Phoenix.
It is fair to ask: How far out will the ring of development need to be
pushed to accommodate the 1.6 million additional residents projected
in the region by 2020?
 
 
° Metropolitan Phoenix is using up its agricultural and desert land.
Calculations from aerial photographs show that between 1975 and
1995 some 40 percent of all agricultural land and 32 percent of all
undeveloped desert land was lost to urbanization. The vivid Sonoran
Desert is what makes metropolitan Phoenix unique and gives it a
special character. Losing huge tracts of land threatens the region with
the loss of its most famous lifestyle and environmental asset.
 
 
° A regional divide exists by race, poverty and schools. For years, the
sections north and northeast of downtown Phoenix, including
Scottsdale, have been affluent areas with attractive housing, good
schools, and enviable amenities. Also for years, poor whites and
low-income minorities have been concentrated in neighborhoods
in the central and southern portions of the city of Phoenix. The
demographic divide plays out in schools as well, with few poor and
minority students in high-achieving school districts.
 
 
° The region's rapid growth disturbs the majority of residents. Since its
inception three years ago, the Morrison Institute quality of life survey
has documented the breadth and depth of residents' discontent with
growth. In 1999, 80 percent of residents said they were "concerned" or
"very concerned" with the region's growth. Most dramatically, nearly
half reported that they would leave Phoenix tomorrow if they could.
Two-thirds added that the region was doing a "poor" or "fair" job of
preserving the desert and open space.
 
 
THE RESPONSE: THREE STRATEGIC RECOMMENDATIONS
As the region's leaders and residents decide what to do next, actions in three
strategic areas seem imperative.
First, the Phoenix region needs to understand the full range of issues that
shape its growth and development patterns. The region's emerging divisions,
transportation challenges, loss of desert lands, and the many other growth
issues that threaten metropolitan Phoenix' quality of life are inextricably
linked and cut across jurisdictional boundaries.
The smartest regions today have embraced the "four E's" of a strong
economy, healthy environment, social equity and civic engagement as a
framework for analyzing problems and building regional advantages. They
recognize that everything is connected.
Metropolitan Phoenix' leaders can disregard the relationships among
the region's education, social, economic and environmental challenges and
hope for the best. But they would do better if together they "connected the
dots" among the issues and created new partnerships capable of responding
to growth's problems and paradoxes.
Second, the Phoenix region must overcome the near "Catch-22s" that
are rooted in its history. These Catch-22s will not succumb to old ideas or big
ideas borrowed from a Seattle or a Denver. Bold, innovative policy decisions,
based on the region's circumstances, will be needed. The Catch-22s include:
 
 
° Looming transportation and land use conundrums. In contrast
to other regions, highway building in metropolitan Phoenix has
supported the region's central area. The present round of suburb-to-suburb
freeway extensions, however, could create problems. By making
jobs and homes away from the center more accessible, the presence of
freeways will intensify land consumption on the fringe. But should
employment remain concentrated in the cores and home building
continue to move outward, commute times could worsen. The chal-lenge
to unraveling this Catch-22 will be finding transportation and
land-use initiatives that create dispersed mixed-use clusters of greater
residential and employment density that do not detract from the
vitality of downtown Phoenix, the region's signature core.
 
 
° State trust land questions. Large tracts of state-owned trust land near
the urban fringe constitute an irreplaceable asset for the region's quality
of life. This land could serve as a growth boundary that provides a vast
reservoir of open space. However, the state constitution requires that
these lands be managed to maximize revenues for Arizona's educa-tional
needs. The mandate bars wholesale conservation of the lands
and increases the likelihood of future land sales to developers. The
challenge for the region will be to amend the Arizona constitution and
state enabling act to allow for trust land to be dedicated to open space
while maintaining the ability to fund schools.
 
 
° Growth agendas in the smaller cities. Eighteen less-populous cities
on the urban fringe now control nearly as much land as the city of
Phoenix and the five largest suburbs combined. These areas also lag
behind the region in open space protection and use of growth man-agement
tools. This means that the municipalities in the region least
equipped to deal with the effects of fast growth will soon be making
decisions with enormous implications for the entire region. The chal-lenge
will be to bring a regional perspective to the planning efforts of
all cities while respecting the region's tradition of local control.
 
 
° Fixing the schools of the core. The region has reason to worry about
the education of children in central Phoenix and the southwest portion
of the region. Individual economic success correlates particularly with
education attainment (the number of years of school completed). The
weak schools of the center present a powerful impetus for decentral-ization.
Schools with high proportions of low-income, minority or
underachieving students may influence where people and businesses
choose to locate. This increases the viability of the fringe at the expense
of the core. Ironically, though, the region and its cities possess limited
authority to address the unique problems of schools. The challenge
will be encouraging more effective collaboration between school
districts and city leaders and including education issues in both fringe
growth management and core revitalization strategies.
 
 
° Conflicting views on sprawl and density. Residents of metropolitan
Phoenix decry sprawl, but they also dislike density. Unfortunately, con-trolling
one usually means encouraging the other. To confront this
Catch-22, regional leaders and residents will need to find an acceptable
way to promote greater density with "quality" development that fosters
convenience, diversity, transit options and access to open spaces. One
approach will be to re-evaluate traditional zoning ordinances with their
rigid and segregated land uses and consider new rules that foster
acceptable combinations of residential and commercial uses.
 
 
° Regional authority dilemma. Although valuable, especially as the 18
less-populous communities become a stronger force in the regional
dynamics, city-to-city coordination will only go so far. However, the
creation of a binding regional authority has been rejected so often that
implementation of such a concept appears unrealistic for metropolitan
Phoenix. The challenge will be to reap the benefits of regional "gover-nance"
without having to adopt a formal "regional government" structure.
 
 
° An on and off relationship with Washington. The region historically
has benefitted from federal assistance with water and public works
projects that have sustained a growing population. In recent years,
state leadership Ð executive and congressional Ð has disdained federal
help with similar projects, believing that the state should be more
independent from Washington. This stance handicaps the region's
ability to finance major growth management initiatives, such as light
rail or open space acquisition, that neither the state nor any single
municipality can afford on its own. The challenge will be to get back
to a long-term regional agenda so compelling that it would be
unthinkable for any elected official not to support it.
 
 
° Tensions that surround state support of metropolitan Phoenix. In
today's economy metropolitan regions are increasingly overtaking
states as the drivers of growth. The situation in Arizona is no
exception; the metropolitan Phoenix region currently accounts for 70
percent of the state's total personal income and is responsible for over
70 percent of new job growth. Thus, ensuring a viable metropolitan
Phoenix should be a top priority of state government. However, other
communities across Arizona have needs that also must be addressed at
the state level. The challenge will be to support the Phoenix region in
a way that does not neglect the needs of other localities, but accepts
that prosperity brought forth by a strong regional driver benefits the
state as a whole.
 
 
° Water's changing role. Although the region has ample water for its
current population, water management will be more important given
that there are no potential projects on the scale of the Central Arizona
Project to increase the future supply of water. As such, water manage-ment
will be increasingly related to growth management, as water
becomes an invaluable regulator by influencing where homes and
businesses may locate. However, discussions on water management
and growth management currently take place in entirely separate
spheres. The challenge will be to bring together the water mavens and
the urban planners to come to an understanding of how water policies
could be used to manage growth.
 
 
This report's final suggestion is for the region to be alert to the demo-graphic,
technological and cultural trends that are shaping the next
metropolitan era. New faces, a new economy, and a new geography of
amenities may be as profound a determinant of the size, shape and prospects
of cities and their surroundings in the coming years as the post-war suburban
boom was. How a region chooses to take what it has and put it into play
amid these emerging trends will determine the region's competitiveness and
how it will grow.
 
4 HITS AND MISSES: Fast Growth in Metropolitan Phoenix
 
Then and Now: How the Metropolitan Phoenix Region Has Changed
1970s 1990s* FAST GROWTH AND INCREASING DENSITY
 
Total Population 971,228 2,783,779
Population Density (people/ square mile urbanized area) 2,228 2,707
Average Lot Size for New Homes (square feet) 7,500 6,677
 
 
MAJOR CHANGES IN LAND USE Percent Urbanized Area 15 41
Percent Agriculture Area 32 19
Percent Desert Area 49 33
Distance of Fringe from Downtown Phoenix (miles) 10-11 18-21
 
 
STRONG CENTER Employment Concentrated in Two Central Areas 32% of jobs are on 4% of land area
Population Remaining in Core Percent in the city of Phoenix 60 43
Percent in the five largest suburbs** 25 39
Percent in the balance of the county 15 18
 
 
MORE EXTENSIVE ROAD SYSTEM Total Lane Miles per 1,000 Residents (freeways, major arterial roads, minor arterial roads) 3.5 4.1
Vehicle Miles Traveled (per person per day) 14 24
Transit Miles (per capita) n/ a 7
 
 
BALANCE BETWEEN THE CORE AND THE FIVE LARGEST SUBURBS Housing
Housing value in the city of Phoenix $48,500 $76,700
Housing value in the five largest suburbs $59,400 $92,600
 
 
Employment Number of jobs for every 100 residents in the city of Phoenix n/ a 58
 
 
Number of jobs for every 100 residents in the five largest suburbs n/ a 49
Retail Sales Retail sales per capita in the city of Phoenix $8,600 $7,500
 
 
Retail sales per capita in the five largest suburbs $8,500 $10,600
 
 
INCREASING DIVERSITY Percent of Ethnic Minorities in Metropolitan Phoenix 19 28
 
 
DEEPENING DIVIDE Concentration of Minorities
Percent of population in south Phoenix that is minority 47 77
Percent of population in the city of Phoenix that is minority 22 36
Percent of population in the five largest suburbs that is minority 13 22
 
 
Concentration of Poverty Percent of persons in poverty in central and south Phoenix 24 36
 
 
Percent of persons in poverty in Phoenix 12 14
Percent of persons in poverty in the five largest suburbs 9 10
 
 
Schools Performance (Stanford 9 reading score percentile rank) Percent of students nationwide scoring above the average score of students in central Phoenix n/ a 67
 
 
Percent of students nationwide scoring above the average score of students in the northwest quadrant n/ a 61
Percent of students nationwide scoring above the average score of students in the northeast quadrant n/ a 27
Percent of students nationwide scoring above the average score of students in the southeast quadrant n/ a 41
Percent of students nationwide scoring above the average score of students in the southwest quadrant n/ a 66
 
 
* NOTE: Except for the following, data is given for 1970 and 1998. Data for population density in the 1990s is based on data for 1990; land use compares percents in 1975 and 1995; housing values compare median figures for 1970 and 1990 (in 1990 dollars); employment figures are for 1995; retail sales comparisons are for 1980 and 1995; overall ethnic minority
comparison is for 1980 and 1995; poverty comparison is for 1969 and 1989; minority concentration for central and south Phoenix is for 1980 and 1995; and minority concentration for Phoenix and the region is 1980 and 1995.
 
 
** The five largest suburbs are: Chandler, Glendale, Mesa, Scottsdale, and Tempe.
 
5 MORRISON INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY
 
Cities are the ultimate embodiments of their times, and metropolitan
Phoenix is no exception.
Nothing has determined the shape and tenor of metropolitan Phoenix'
development more than the fact that it has taken place almost entirely in the
post-World War II era of cars. The Phoenix region, in a word, has grown in
the largely suburban, horizontal way it has because that is how virtually all
cities grew during the past 50 years. The strengths and problems of the
Phoenix region are in that sense very much of their time.
Yet now a new time is beginning to shape metropolitan Phoenix and the
choices open to it. This era is the era of the Internet and the new economy.
So the region that came of age in the auto era is now sensing that new values
and new ways of living are going to rearrange the metropolitan fabric as
thoroughly as the suburban boom did.
Laptop gypsies with blue hair writing code at the Starbuck's; "yuppie
seniors" wired for semi-retirement; new immigrants and smaller firms: All
these are coming, and they will influence the layout and priorities of metro-politan
Phoenix as surely as did all those Chevy-driving defense workers of
the 1950s. Yet how, precisely, the newcomers will do this, and to what degree,
remains a riddle. Moreover, it remains unclear how the region that rose to
prominence by mass production will adapt its form to the new era of clus-tering,
networks and "quality of place." Change is everywhere. The world is
changing; cities are changing; and so are the possible solutions to the problems
faced by metropolitan areas.
This report, in order to help make sense for policy makers and the
public of this extraordinarily dynamic moment, endeavors to detail the
trends that are now shaping metropolitan Phoenix. Along the way, it identifies
the side effects of rapid growth that threaten the region's future. And it ponders
how the region may ensure it prevails as a competitive, high-quality region
in its next era.
Yes, cities embody their times, but that does not mean they need be
confined to the forms and problems of just one era. A new time is always
coming, and the trick for metropolitan Phoenix is to begin adapting
creatively and quickly to the new imperatives of region building.
Fortunately, as the following pages make clear, the region begins this evolution
from a position of surprising strength.
 
 
BY THE NUMBERS:
Snapshot of the Metropolitan Phoenix Region
 
 
C O U N T Y
The metropolitan Phoenix region is contained within Maricopa
County. At 9,226 square miles, the area of the county is larger
than New Jersey and four other states.
 
 
J U R I S D I C T I O N S
The region consists of only 24 cities and towns. The total
population in 1998 was almost 2.8 million.
 
 
C E N T R A L C I T Y
The city of Phoenix is the central city. With a population
of nearly 1.2 million, it covers 470 square miles.
 
 
L A R G E S U B U R B S
Chandler, Glendale, Mesa, Scottsdale, and Tempe are home
to 39 percent of the region's residents.
 
 
L E S S -P O P U L O U S M U N I C I PA L I T I E S
The 18 municipalities house only 11 percent of the population
and have grown 446 percent since 1970.
 
 
6 HITS AND MISSES: Fast Growth in Metropolitan Phoenix
 
Williams Gateway
Litchfield Park
Apache Junction
Fountain Hills
Salt River Indian Community Paradise Valley
Peoria
Guadalupe
Mesa
Chandler
Gilbert
Queen Creek
Glendale
Surprise
Goodyear
Buckeye
Avondale
El Mirage
Youngtown
Scottsdale
Tempe
Carefree
Tolleson
Cave Creek
Fort McDowell Indian Community
Luke AFB
Falcon Field
Scottsdale Airport
Deer Valley Airport
North Mountain Preserve
Phoenix Mountains Preserve
South Mountain Preserve
S a l t R i v e r
Glendale Airport
Superstition Mountains
Tonto National Forest
White Tank Mountain Preserve
Chandler Municipal
MARICOPA COUNTY
PINAL COUNTY
Buckeye
Gila Bend
Wickenburg
Gila River Indian Community
Interstate Hwys
Proposed Hwys
State Hwys
US Hwys 0 510Miles
0 10 Kilometers
1950 or earlier
1970 or earlier
1971 or later Map prepared by Arizona State University
 
 
IT Research Support Lab -GIS Services
 
 
Data Sources: Maricopa County Dept of Transportation; Arizona Land Resource
Information System; U. S. Dept of Transportation.
 
Landmarks in Metropolitan Phoenix 10
 
7 MORRISON INSTITUTE FOR PUBLIC POLICY
 
The Shape of Fast Growth
Growth affects every dimension of the region's identity, including its population, employment,
transportation arrangements, land-use patterns and social landscape. This section tells what
changes are unfolding and what those trends might mean for the Phoenix region.
 
 
Guide to Official Descriptions of Metropolitan Phoenix
 
 
DATA NOTE According to the U. S. Bureau of the Census, the "Phoenix metropolitan area"
consisted only of Maricopa County until 1990 census results became available,
when Pinal County was added. For historical consistency,
and because little of Pinal County is part of the Phoenix urbanized area,
references in this report to the Phoenix metropolitan area equate to
Maricopa County unless otherwise noted. Other geographic units
occasionally referred to include (1) Phoenix urbanized area.
This geography closely follows the developed area, but only
decennial census data are produced for urbanized areas. Discussions of population
density use this geography, which in 1990 was only 8 percent of the county's land area.
(2) The Maricopa Association of Governments defines a planning area that includes
the current developed area plus land projected to be largely developed by 2020.
It is about one fifth of the county's land area. (3) The Central Arizona-Phoenix Long-Term
Ecological Research project defines a study area larger than the MAG planning
area, but still substantially smaller than Maricopa County. It is used in discussions of land use.
 
 
CAP-LTER Project Area 4,422 square miles
MAG Planning Area 1,768 square miles
 
 
Maricopa County 9,226 square miles
U. S. Census Bureau Urbanized Area 741 square miles
 
 
Phoenix Metropolitan Area
CAP-LTER Project Area
Maricopa County
 
 
Basically, these pages show that the region's story conforms to neither
the "traditional" model of urban development, nor the popular image of
Sunbelt growth.
Under the traditional model, associated most often with older east coast
and midwestern cities, metropolitan areas frequently feature a distressed
central city confined to its boundaries by fast-growing suburbs. There in the
center, the old downtown becomes a catch basin for the region's poor and
minority residents, while middle-class families, corporations and job
growth migrate to the suburbs.
Popular views of the Sunbelt, by contrast, constantly assume metropolitan
Phoenix exemplifies the unpopular word "sprawl." Phoenix in this view is
denounced as a vast, auto-centered collection of retirement communities
and a sea of red-tiled roofs. Or worse, it is portrayed as a low-density urban
behemoth that lacks both a center and an "edge," as the architectural critic
Michael Sorkin had it in a 1997 review in Architectural Record. "Phoenix
has become the dreaded polycentric automotive metropolis," Sorkin wrote. 2
To be sure, aspects of both of these accounts of metropolitan Phoenix
growth hold true. But for the most part the picture of the region's develop-ment
that emerges from the research reported below is subtler than either
the traditional or popular view.
In this fashion, the trends that follow belie easy preconceptions.
Concepts and labels continue to be tossed about like footballs in the
growth debates. However, the data and other information presented here
stick closely to what is actually happening as metropolitan Phoenix gets
bigger and challenge the region's discussions with a number of surprises.
 
 
These pages show that the region's story conforms to neither the
"traditional" model of urban development, nor the popular image of Sunbelt growth.
 
 
The trends that follow belie easy preconceptions.
 
8 HITS AND MISSES: Fast Growth in Metropolitan Phoenix
 
Population is Booming
TREND: Growth driven by vast in-migration is occurring almost everywhere in
metropolitan Phoenix even near the core. But the most dramatic gains are
at the outer edges of the current urbanized area.
 
 
Metropolitan Phoenix grew faster than any
other large metropolitan region between 1970
and 1998.* From just 1990 to 1998, the region's
population increased 31 percent thanks in large
part to the arrival of an average of 57,000 new
residents a year.** Among the 25 largest metro-politan
areas in the nation only Atlanta grew
similarly (27 percent) during the 1990s.
About one-third of the region's population
growth between 1990 and 1998 occurred in the
city of Phoenix. Another fifth went to cities close
to the core - Tempe, Scottsdale and Glendale.
Tempe grew by 18 percent, Phoenix by 21
percent, Glendale by 32 percent, and Scottsdale
by 50 percent (see Table 1). The city of Phoenix
added 210,000 residents from 1990 to 1998.
Tempe, Scottsdale and Glendale together added
137,000 residents.
At the same time, 8 out of the 24 cities in the
Phoenix metropolitan area experienced a popu-lation
increase of more than 50 percent from
1990 to 1998. Cities with the fastest population
growth are at the urban edge. Avondale, Carefree,
Chandler, Fountain Hills, Gilbert, Goodyear,
Peoria and Surprise all extend along the metropolitan
area's outer ring. Map 1 shows these areas
in light blue and dark blue. The cities with over
50 percent growth accounted for about 200,000
new residents to the region during the 1990s.
The city of Phoenix' share of the regional
population dropped from 60 percent in 1970 to
43 percent in 1998 (see Figure 1).
The growth rate in the southern and central
portions of the city of Phoenix trailed the
numbers recorded elsewhere in the region.
South and central Phoenix (indicated in red on
Map 1) added only about 15,000 people (9 per-cent)
between 1990 and 1995. The metropolitan
area's largest pockets of population decline were
also in these areas.
 
 
WHAT THIS MEANS
Explosive population growth has enriched metropolitan
Phoenix' talent pool and enlarged its local markets, but it is also challenging the
region's infrastructure and natural resources,
particularly in the areas of the metropolitan
fringe. More traffic, longer commutes, air pollution,
and crowded schools all result from the
region's phenomenal influx of drivers and home
buyers. Local governments may be capable of
only minimal planning and may struggle to
provide basic services. Communities that are
relatively small and inexperienced, or where
growth outpaces the rate at which tax rolls and
census counts can be updated to ensure various
revenue flows, have been the hardest hit. Hence,
the potential for regional problems is great.
That the city of Phoenix and other "inner-ring"
cities are still growing at a rate relatively
close to the regional average suggests the
region's center is not "emptying out" as it is in
many other metropolitan areas. Between 1970
and 1999, for example, the city of Atlanta's
population decreased 14 percent compared to
the region's increase of 114 percent. 3 The city of
Phoenix' growth rate was 105 percent between
1970 and 1998, while the region gained 187 percent.
However, slower growth in south and central
Phoenix points to an emerging problem. Pockets
of population decreases caused primarily by
the demolition of housing units - cluster in an
area close to the region's core.
 
 
Over the last 30 years, an average of 127 new residents
moved to the Phoenix region every day.
 
 
Figure 1: Metropolitan Phoenix' Population Grew by
187 Percent, adding 1.8 Million People from 1970 to 1998
 
 
0
200,000
400,000
600,000
800,000
1,000,000
1,200,000